Showing posts with label Peru. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Peru. Show all posts

Wednesday, 24 June 2015

Peru mass grave contains bodies of 17 'killed in 1980s'


Prosecutors in Peru say they have found a mass grave containing 17 bodies high in the Andes, in the Ayacucho region.

The bodies are believed to be those of local farmers kidnapped by the Shining Path rebel group in the 1980s.

Forensic experts said it was clear the 17 had been killed but not by whom.

Almost 70,000 people were killed in the two-decades-long conflict between the Peruvian government and the Maoist rebels, according to figures by Peru's Truth and Reconciliation Commission.

Prosecutor Honorio Casallo Diaz said investigations carried out by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission suggested the farmers had been abducted in the 1980s from the town of Vilcashuaman by members of the Maoist Shining Path guerrilla group.

They had been missing ever since.

Villagers in the Ayacucho region of Peru were often caught up in the violence between the Shining Path and the security forces This was a common practice by the Shining Path to boost their ranks.

However, it is not clear whether the 17 were killed by their Shining Path captors or by members of the military, who often targeted locals they suspected of collaborating with the guerrillas.

Ayacucho was the heartland of the guerrillas and farmers were often caught between the two warring sides.

The Shining Path posed a major challenge to the Peruvian state in the 1980s and early 90s.

After the capture of its main leaders its influence was greatly reduced.

In December 2011, one of its remaining leaders admitted defeat.

However, remnants of the group are still active in the jungle areas of Peru producing and smuggling cocaine.

Earlier this month, the US treasury department designated the Shining Path a "significant foreign narcotics trafficker".

Wednesday 24 June 2015

http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-latin-america-33253849

continue reading

Thursday, 30 October 2014

Shining Path victims' remains returned 30 years after their deaths


The remains of 65 victims of the Shining Path have been returned to their families 30 years after they were killed.

Men, women, and children who were killed by the Shining Path between 1989 and 1991 have finally been returned to their families for identification and burial. People came from 25 communities to Huamanga to bury their dead, whose bones and the clothes they died in were presented in small white coffins, just over a meter long, along with the few objects they had on them at the times of their deaths.

Relatives had traveled from their distant homes to identify the remains of their family members killed so many years before. The bodies had been hidden in clandestine graves until four years ago, when they were disinterred and the lengthy identification process began. Experts used DNA tests, dental records, and anthropological forensics to identify them. They had been killed by members of the Shining Path, as well as police and the military.

Prosecutor Carlos Américo Ramos Heredia presided over the handing over of the remains of the victims. The ceremony took three hours and was attended by around 200 relatives.

Adelina García, president of the Association of Families of Kidnapped, Arrested, and Disappeared of Peru, is the wife of a man who went missing in the Los Cabitos barracks in Ayacucho back in 1983. “It’s a satisfaction to give a Christian grave to loved ones after many years, others still have their hearts in pain for not finding them and not having accomplished that the guilty are punished,” she told Peruvian daily La República.

Ramos admitted that there was a long road ahead of them, saying that there were still a lot of makeshift graves to discover and that they needed more prosecutors specialized in human rights.

2,925 bodies were discovered from 2006 to July 2014, 1,689 of this number have been identified and 1,485 have been returned to their families. La República notes that these numbers are very small when compared to the number of people who are still missing. The 2003 Truth and Reconciliation Commission found that 15 thousand people disappeared in the years the Shining Path was active in Peru.

Thursday 30 October 2014

http://www.peruthisweek.com/news-shining-path-victims-remains-returned-30-years-after-their-deaths-104326

continue reading

Wednesday, 11 June 2014

Mass grave from Peru's 1980-2000 conflict exhumed


Forensic teams have begun the long-delayed exhumation of members of an Amazon tribe that suffered devastating losses during Peru's 1980-2000 conflict with Shining Path rebels.

The first body, unearthed over the weekend, wore the standard ocher robe of the Ashaninka, said Ivan Rivasplata, leader of the forensic anthropologists from the Peruvian Prosecutor's Office engaged in the mission with army escorts.

He said in Lima that the team hoped to exhume about 130 bodies from five common graves in two communities in the Apurimac, Ene, and Mantaro River valleys, where remnants of the Shining Path continue to exert influence, living off a vibrant cocaine trade.

About 6,000 Ashaninka were killed, 5,000 enslaved, and 10,000 forcibly displaced by the Shining Path during the conflict.

Wednesday 11 June 2014

http://www.philly.com/philly/news/nation_world/20140611_PERU.html

continue reading

Tuesday, 29 October 2013

Slow justice for Peru's disappeared


On Sundays Rubén Villanueva Toro liked to escape the small village of Buena Vista nestled high in the Andean mountains where he was a school principal. On the afternoon of March 30, 1990, he was in the nearby town of Lircay. He was near the main plaza with friends when a group of military officers stopped them and asked for their identity cards. Ruben did not have his electoral card. He was detained and taken to the military base in Lircay. "It’s just a routine detention", his friends were assured. But the hours passed, and Villanueva Toro remained in custody.

The following day, Ruben’s identity card in hand, Wilber Villanueva went to the Lircay military base to try to get his brother released. To his surprise, he, too, was arrested on the order of Army Captain Carlos Paz Figueroa, head of the base. He was savagely tortured. Released the following day, he went to a hospital to have his injuries tended to. But Wilber Villanueva got no information about the whereabouts of his brother. On the contrary, he was told by Paz Figueroa that his brother was not being held at the base.

Villanueva Toro’s relatives decried his disappearance and reported it to local and national authorities, but to no avail. He remains missing to this day.

Delayed justice

Some measure of justice was handed down on September 23, when two military officers - including Paz Figueroa, now an active-duty brigadier general - were found guilty of the crime of the forced disappearance of Villanueva Toro and sentenced to 15 years in prison.

It was a split 2-1 decision. The dissenting opinion, written by Judge David Loli Bonilla, said that contradictions in the testimonies of the eyewitnesses made conviction impossible. The two judges voting in the majority, Marco Cerna Bazan and María Vidal, following precedents in international law, argued that minor contradictions in eyewitness testimony does not invalidate the testimony itself, especially when the essence of the testimony about a human rights violation remains coherent over time.

The core testimonies of eyewitnesses, along with other important evidence, provided sufficient evidence to convict the two defendants, in their majority opinion. Two people testified that they saw Villanueva Toro being detained by the military, and a woman testified that she saw him being taken into Lircay's military base. Wilber Villanueva had the hospital records attesting to his having been tortured. That the judges considered these eyewitness testimonies as valid evidence is important; in previous rulings, other judges have acquitted military officers charged with grave violations of human rights based on tiny contradictions or discrepancies in eyewitness testimony.

Such discrepancies are in fact not uncommon in the testimonies of victims of traumatic events, as has been noted by the Inter-American Court for Human Rights. In a ruling against the state of Mexico in a case of sexual violation - Rosendo Cantú et. al. versus Mexico [Sp] - in which there were minor discrepancies in the testimony of the victims, the Court ruled that inconsistencies were to be expected in the aftermath of such traumtic events, and especially after so much time had elapsed since the occurrence of the trauma. In such cases, the Court ruled, minor inconsistencies do not invalidate the value of victim testimony when the essence of the testimony is consistent over time.

A crime against humanity

The September 23 ruling also determined that the forced disappearance of Villanueva Toro is a crime against humanity because it took place during a period of massive forced disappearances committed by security forces against unarmed civilians in the context of a counterinsurgency war against armed subversive groups. During each of the latter years of Alan Garcia’s first presidency - 1987 to 1990 - Peru registered the highest number of forced disappearances in the world, according to UN's Working Group on Enforced Disappearances.

Beyond these stultifying numbers, the verdict identifies the specific mechanisms by which crimes against humanity occurred in Peru in the 1980s and especially during the Garcia government.

Since late 1982, successive constitutional governments decreed states of emergency in conflict areas, establishing “emergency zones” that were then put under the control of the armed forces. The Working Group found that the majority of the forced or involuntary disappearances documented in Peru - primarily between 1983 and 1992 - occurred in these emergency zones, including Ayacucho, Apurimac, San Martin, and Huancavelica, where principal Rubén Villanueva Toro was last seen alive.

Also, a 1985 law decree determined that any military or police infraction would be adjudicated by military rather than civilian courts. This undermined the ability to conduct impartial investigations of accusations of human rights violations allegedly committed by security force personnel, a sure-fire way of guaranteeing impunity.

Echoing the findings of the Peru's Truth and Reconciliation Commission - whose Final Report was published ten years ago last August - the judges found that forced disappearance, extrajudicial execution, and the use of torture were “criminal acts that were perpetrated constantly” during this time period. The ruling sharply criticises the “indolence, ineptitude, and the indifference” of those who could have avoided this “human catastrophe” but chose not to.

A third presidency in 2016?

Alan Garcia has never faced criminal prosecution for the massive violations of human rights that occurred during his first presidency (1985-1990). Despite a number of on-going investigations of crimes committed during this period, he has yet to be successfully charged with any crime. In 2006, he was elected to a second term, and he is gearing up for a third term in 2016.

But things may be catching up with Garcia. One on-going case involves the murders of several regime opponents in the late 1980s by a death squad that went by the name of the Rodrigo Franco Command[Sp]. Among those on trial are Garcia’s Minister of Interior, Agustin Mantilla, and several members of his Peruvian Aprista Party (APRA) party who are accused of ordering and carrying out a number of murders. Victims included presumed members of Shining Path, but also regime opponents, including trade union leader Saúl Cantoral, who was killed in 1989.

Trials for other human rights cases from the first Garcia presidency are due to open soon, among them the 1986 Fronton prison massacre, when more than 100 inmates were executed by security forces, and the 1988 Cayara massacre, in which dozens of indigenous peasants were murdered by security forces in retaliation for a Shining Path attack on a military convoy. Several eyewitnesses to the Cayara massacre were later killed off, one by one. The state prosecutor in that case, Carlos Escobar, sought asylum in the United States when his investigations got too close to the powers-that-be.

Peru’s Constitutional Tribunal recently ruled that the Fronton massacre does not constitute a crime against humanity, but that ruling has come under fire by human rights groups for prejudging a case currently in litigation. Regardless of whether it is a crime against humanity, it no doubt constitutes a grave human rights violation, and under international law, states are obligated to prosecute such crimes and hold these responsible accountable.

No solace for families

Few want to remember the days of violence in Peru. But most of the 15,000 disappeared remain missing, and their family members are in anguish about their fate, and are waiting to bury their bodies. How much longer will Peru continue to deny them their right to truth and justice? And how long with the international community continue to ignore the very real and very present effects of this human catastrophe?

Villanueva Toro’s sister was at the hearing the day the verdict was handed down. “We still don’t know where his body is,” she said. “That is the most important thing - to find out where his body is, so we can bury him. That is our right.”

Tuesday 29 October 2013

http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2013/10/slow-justice-peru-disappeared-201310278226105412.html

continue reading

Tuesday, 3 September 2013

Unhealed from Peru's bloody conflict are legion a decade after truth commission's report


For almost a quarter century, they have scoured the mountains of Peru's poorest region in search of the son hauled away by soldiers in the middle of the night. During their futile search, the couple found 70 clandestine burial sites and unearthed three dozen bodies.

After Javier was taken along with two school chums, they wrote the local military commander, who denied knowing anything. They wrote the Roman Catholic Church, the Congress and three successive presidents. But none answered Alejandro Crispin and his wife, Alicia.

"How is it possible that no one is in jail for 'disappearing' one's child?" asked Crispin, who at 69 is equal parts exhausted, bewildered and indignant. "How is it possible that the killers of innocents remain free?"

The couple's odyssey lays bare Peru's failure to address the unhealed wounds of thousands of families, most of them poor, Quechua-speaking peasants, who were the principal victims of the country's 1980-2000 conflict between Maoist Shining Path guerrillas and the government.

About 70,000 people died, just over half slain by rebels and over a third by security forces, according to estimates by a Truth and Reconciliation Commission of respected academics.

But 10 years after the commission issued its recommendations, few have been heeded: No state agency exists dedicated to finding and cataloging the bodies of the estimated 15,000 people forcibly disappeared in the conflict. Researchers blame most of the disappearances on security forces.

Few human rights abusers have been prosecuted. And fewer than two in five of the 78,000 relatives of people killed who applied for reparations received them, getting less than $4,000 each.

"As a nation, (Peru) has failed miserably to exhibit even the most basic empathy for those fellow citizens," said Eduardo Gonzalez, director of the Truth and Memory program at the International Center for Transitional Justice, a New York-based non-profit that helps war-wracked countries recover.

Argentina and Chile have advanced far further in punishing perpetrators of war crimes, and even Colombia, which is still at war, has done more to provide reparations, he said.

Then-President Alejandro Toledo apologized to all victims of political violence when the commission released its report in 2003. But no other public or social institution has acknowledged errors, said the man who led the commission, former Catholic University president Salomon Lerner.

"It is a task still to be done," he told The Associated Press.

On the anniversary of the report's release, Aug. 28, hundreds marched in Lima in commemoration of the conflict's victims. Absent and silent were the country's political and military leaders.

To date, the bodies of 2,478 of the disappeared have been recovered.

Javier Crispin's is not among them.

He was 18 when soldiers stormed into the house in Huancavelica where he and two friends were working on a class report and hauled them away — presumably suspecting they were rebels, his father said. The city lies in Peru's poorest state and borders Ayacucho, where the insurgency was born and where more than 40 per cent of deaths and disappearances occurred.

Several dozen Huancavelica residents said soldiers would stop youths on the street, order them to empty their backpacks to look for weapons — and take some away.

"The soldiers would pass through the streets shouting, 'Damn you, you sons of bitches, we can do whatever we want with you,'" said Giovana Cueva, whose brother Alfredo Ayuque was seized with Javier.

Unlike Guatemala, which received U.N. assistance to cope with its violent recent past, Peru has done little to catalogue abuses and identify the dead.

Investigators from the prosecutor's office, aided by the International Committee of the Red Cross, were often spurred into action by Alejandro Crispin's findings.

"All these years I've had to dip into my own pocket to pay for information so I could find the graves, because no one helps," said the retired topographer, who spent all the $10,000 he had saved for the brick home he never built.

The truth commission was able to document only 24,692 deaths — 44 per cent by state security agents and 37 per cent by the Shining Path, with the other killers undetermined. A relatively low percentage of overall deaths in the conflict occurred in actual combat, leading to complaints by rights activists of meagre prosecutions of war criminals.

Only 68 state security agents have been convicted of war crimes, while 134 have been acquitted, mostly soldiers, said Jo-Marie Burt, a George Mason University political scientist who studies the conflict.

Judges have not accepted that "in Peru there were systematic violations of human rights," she said. "Instead, in recent years they argue that there were only 'excesses,' and with those arguments they have absolved those who gave the orders."

Huancavelica's human rights prosecutor, Juan Borja, said Defence Ministry officials have blocked all attempts to locate and prosecute those responsible for Javier Crispin's disappearance.

"I've made 80 inquiries ... for this and other cases and their answer is that they don't have the information," Borja said as he and a forensic archaeologist dug with pickaxes and shovels at a clandestine gravesite outside Huancavelica to which Alejandro Crispin led them.

The Defence Ministry did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

The Shining Path instigated the bloodletting and its leaders and more than 600 other insurgents were convicted of terrorism and jailed, but many mid-level rebel commanders guilty of war crimes evaded justice.

People such as Nicanor Torres have tried, mostly in vain, to set that straight.

The 52-year-old Lima tailor is obsessed with avenging the 1984 killings of his parents and two brothers by rebels in a remote part of Ayacucho state.

His sister Alejandrina, who was 4 at the time, hid under a neighbour's skirts as rebels cut her parents' throats in their home in the hamlet of Chaca, and he travelled from Lima to rescue her.

Torres said he knows who had his relatives killed: A rebel commander who robbed them of 1,000 sheep, a hundred head of cattle and 53 horses.

Torres said he tracked the man down and twice visited his house in Ayacucho's capital, Huamanga, intent on killing him. The first time, a woman answered the door. The second time, a girl. Both said the former Shining Path cadre wasn't home.

Nicanor and Alejandrina Torres returned to Chaca in June for the formal burial of their parents, whose remains had been exhumed a year earlier.

Villagers wept quietly as they carried 21 coffins from the town square, through a eucalyptus grove beside a river where frogs croaked, to its cemetery.

Alejandrina Torres said she was so shocked she didn't cry.

Only when she returned to Lima, in the solitude of her room, did the tears come: "I couldn't sleep for two days."

Tuesday 3 September 2013

http://www.theprovince.com/news/Unhealed+from+Perus+bloody+conflict+legion+decade+after+truth/8861950/story.html

continue reading

Peru slow in exhuming war's victims


It was Alejandrina Torres' first time back in her native village since Shining Path rebels cut her parents' throats while she hid, a terrified 4-year-old, beneath the skirts of a neighbour.

She joined relatives of other villagers slain by insurgents nearly three decades ago to formally bury the remains of 21 people, including her parents, exhumed from a common grave in the remote region of Ayacucho state that endured some of the worst atrocities of Peru's 1980-2000 conflict.

Both security forces and Maoist-inspired insurgents committed grave human rights violations.

A Truth and Reconciliation Commission estimated the conflict claimed nearly 70,000 lives, most of them poor, Quechua-speaking people such as Torres. Some 15,000 of them disappeared. Yet fewer than 3,000 bodies have been exhumed because Peru has lagged in healing the wounds of its war.

The villagers in Chaca wept quietly as they carried white coffins through a eucalyptus grove from the town square to a cemetery.

"I can just see the `senderistas' (rebels) coming down from the hills, shouting in Quechua, `Die, traitorous dogs!'" Torres said as she walked.

Chaca's victims were killed in retaliation for forming a self-defense committee. As weapons they had little more than slingshots and poles with knives tied on.

"A lot of battles without names happened here," said Constantino Urbano.

He recalled watching, hidden on a nearby hillside, as insurgents killed his father and burned down the village's wooden Roman Catholic church. He was 9 at the time.

Chaca is among thousands of communities still waiting for reparations money promised by the state eight years ago. It lacks running water and telephone service, medical attention is precarious and, during the four-month rainy season, it's inaccessible by vehicle because the dirt road becomes mud.

Tuesday 3 September 2013

http://www.theintelligencer.com/article_7e0041dc-33da-5218-9e7e-d7e0f636692f.html

continue reading

Saturday, 31 August 2013

Ombudsman calls for Agency to identify disappeared during terrorism years


Peru’s ombudsman has called for the government to create an agency responsible for finding those who were reported missing during the country’s internal conflict in the 1980s and 1990s, state news agency Andina reported.

Eduardo Vega, the head of the Defensoria del Pueblo, said that finding the individuals is a “humanitarian task” that the government should complete.

“We need, and this is an appeal, to create an entity in charge of looking for disappeared people, with resources, equipment, and through this work that I would like to call a humanitarian task, recover their remains and hand them over to family members,” Vega said.

Vega added that the internal conflict has left “a wound that hasn’t yet been healed” in Peru, as many families still do not know what happened to the remains of their loved ones.

The Truth and Reconciliation Commission, CVR, in its 2003 report initially listed 8,558 people as missing and included a register of 4,644 burial sites to exhume. However, by 2011 forensic specialists at the Legal Medicine Institute concluded that more than 15,000 disappeared during the 1980-2000 conflict and that there are more than 6,400 mass burial sites. In 500 exhumations carried out to date, 2,478 bodies have been recovered, of which 60% have been identified and 53% have been returned to their relatives for burial.

Next week, starting Sept. 3, forensic specialists will begin exhuming bodies at a mass grave in an area in the La Mar province of Ayacucho known as Oreja de Perro (Dog’s Ear), where 204 bodies of villagers killed by Shining Path rebels were buried. Meanwhile in the Ayacucho capital of Huamanga, when there are sufficient resources, investigations continue at the Los Cabitos military barracks —in investigations during 2005, 2007 and 2009, forensic specialists found 50 bodies and the partial remains of another 50, as well as four ovens, one with human remains, thus confirming the systematic torture, murder and disappearance of local villagers by military personnel during the conflict.

Forensic investigations are to be made on several other military barracks, when the Legal Medicine Institute is given the financial resources.

Almost 70,000 people were killed during the conflict between the Maoist-inspired Shining Path rebels and state security forces, according to the final report issued by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission.

The large majority of the people killed during the conflict were poor, indigenous people were caught in the middle of the conflict between the Shining Path and the state.

Friday 31 August 2013

http://www.peruviantimes.com/30/ombudsman-calls-for-agency-to-indentify-disappeared-during-terrorism-years/20099/

continue reading

Saturday, 30 March 2013

The bones tell the story: The search for Peru's missing


In Peru last week, forensic anthropologists revealed that for the first time, they had confirmed the identities of three individuals who had been disappeared by government forces during that country's internal armed conflict. During the 1980s, hundreds of people were detained, brought to the Los Cabitos military base, brutally tortured, and were never seen or heard from again.

In 2009, forensic anthropologists searching for the disappeared in Los Cabitos had unearthed the remains of more than 100 people. Virtually all the remains show signs of torture and execution-style deaths. Until now, none of those bodies had been identified.

Using DNA matching between the recovered remains and samples from living relatives of the victims, the Peruvian Forensic Anthropology Team (EPAF) was able to determine that two of the bodies belonged to individuals who were reported by relatives to have gone missing in the Los Cabitos military base in 1984, and the third in 1985.

The Los Cabitos military base was the centre of counterinsurgency operations in Ayacucho, the birthplace of the Maoist Shining Path insurgency and the epicentre of the war between insurgents and government forces that took the lives of nearly 70,000 Peruvians. Of these, 15,000 were forcibly disappeared, mostly by government forces, with no trace of their bodies to date.

The identifications offer incontrovertible proof that the military systematically detained, tortured and executed hundreds of presumed "subversives" during Peru's "time of fear". To date, no one has been convicted of these crimes, despite the fact that they occurred 30 years ago.

Peru's Auschwitz

It was long rumoured that the Los Cabitos military base was used by government forces as a clandestine detention centre and that heinous acts of torture were visited upon the bodies of presumed subversives. In the early 1980s, at the start of the conflict, government forces had little understanding of the insurgency. Indigenous communities became seen as safe havens of terrorists, and indiscriminate massacres ensued in the military's effort to "kill the fish" by "draining the sea".

Forced disappearances also became a common government tactic. In the latter half of the 1980s, the United Nations said that government forces had disappeared more people in Peru than anywhere else on the planet. Women congregated outside the Los Cabitos military base day after day, seeking information about their missing husbands, fathers, children. Some say they saw their husbands inside the base, while others received missives from their detained sons, ferreted out by compassionate soldiers, under the noses of their superiors. In most cases, they never saw their loved ones again.

A book published in 2004 by Peruvian journalist Ricardo Uceda confirmed the rumours. A former intelligence officer, Jesús Sosa Saavedra, who went by the nickname "Kerosene", confessed to having been ordered by the then head of Los Cabitos, General Wilfredo Mori Orzo, to dig up the cadavers of detainees who had been murdered, and incinerate them. Four ovens were built, and Kerosene admits to having personally disposed of at least 300 bodies this way. He also admitted to having executed prisoners in 1983 in Los Cabitos.

Forensic anthropologists discovered four ovens with the charred remains of bodies inside, as well as pipes that were used to power the ovens. Based on the exhumations to date, they estimate that more than 1,000 bodies could be interred at Los Cabitos. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (CVR), set up in 2001 to investigate the abuses of the past, documented the kidnapping, torture and/or execution [SP] of 138 people at Los Cabitos between 1983 and 1984. According to the CVR's Final Report, "It is evident that the high command of the [Los Cabitos] military installation had dominion over and control of the actions that occurred there that constitute human rights violations."

The military on trial

A legal case is currently underway in Peru focusing on crimes at Los Cabitos during 1983. Seven high ranking military officers, including the head of the armed forces that year, are charged with the murder, forced disappearance, and torture of 53 victims. An investigation is still underway involving the crimes that took place at Los Cabitos during 1984 and 1985. Gloria Cano, a seasoned human rights lawyer and director of the Pro Human Rights Association (Aprodeh), represents the victims in both cases.

I was in Peru last August and observed several court sessions. For a week, the court relocated to Ayacucho so as to facilitate the testimony of survivors and relatives of victims who could not make the long trip to Lima to testify. Several survivors told harrowing stories of being detained and submitted to various forms of torture.

One man stood up to show the court how his captors tied his arms behind his back, hung him from his wrists, and proceeded to kick and beat him. Another told the court that when he was in the torture chamber, he witnessed soldiers rape a young girl. After giving her testimony in Quechua, an elderly woman walked up to the judges, raised her hands to the sky, and implored them to help her find her missing son and to provide the economic reparations the government has promised victims but has only begun to deliver in recent years, in piecemeal fashion, decades after the conflict. Several witnesses described in heartbreaking detail their fruitless search for their relatives among the ravines and cliffs where dead bodies were being dumped, and were often consumed by wild pigs and other animals.

The trial for Los Cabitos 1983 started in May 2011 and is expected to end later this year. The slow pace is in part due to the fact that the mandate Special Criminal Court, which originally included cases of terrorism, crimes against humanity, and human rights violations, has expanded to include drug trafficking, money laundering, kidnapping, and most recently, social conflict. Judges have difficulty managing their case load and few courtrooms are available to hold trial, so hearings in cases like Los Cabitos take place only once every week or so, for only a few hours at a time. The glacial pace of the court system imposes new hardships on the victims, who have waited decades to know the truth about their loved ones and see justice done.

In addition, key information is missing about what happened at Los Cabitos military base. The prosecutor's office and human rights lawyers have sought access to military documents, but they are met with refusals to collaborate and claims that all documents pertaining to the period in question were destroyed in accordance with military regulations. Yet, in 2010, the Army published a book - its own version of the past, since it refuses to accept the truth commission's final report - that makes references to documents that might shed light on what happened at Los Cabitos and other military bases in Peru's war zones. To date, these documents have not been made accessible to investigators, so it has been impossible to reconstruct the chain of command or identify military personnel who worked inside the military base during those years.

The eternal anguish of the relatives of the disappeared

Less than one percent of Peru's 15,000 disappeared have been identified, according to José Pablo Baraybar, a forensic anthropologist who worked in the Balkans and is currently the director of EPAF. The CVR identified over 6,000 clandestine graves across the country, but overall few exhumations have been conducted. Baraybar says the problem is that the Peruvian state has failed to take seriously the CVR's recommendations to develop a national plan to search for the missing. This has a lot to do with the fact, he says, that the disappeared hail from Peru's rural, indigenous population, who have been historically excluded from political and economic life.

The identifications announced last week will surely inspire hope among the relatives of Peru's 15,000 disappeared that more of the missing can be identified, their bodies returned to their loved ones, and buried. This is a crucial step for relatives of the disappeared, who continue to live in a state of anguished uncertainty about the fate of their missing loved ones. When I visited Ayacucho again last November, I spoke with one woman who told me that she continues to search for her husband, who was kidnapped by government forces in the middle of the night in 1984. She thinks he is probably dead. But there are days when she is walking down the street and thinks she sees him. This is the anguish that forced disappearance imposes upon those who survive: an endless unknowing that perpetuates the suffering of the dead and the living alike.

Saturday 30 March 2013

http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2013/03/2013330141926998582.html

continue reading

Saturday, 23 March 2013

Army base in Peru yields secrets, galvanizes advocates for the disappeared


Forensic scientists have identified the bodies of three Peruvians who disappeared thirty years ago at a notorious army base in Southern Peru, breathing new life into efforts to account for over 15,000 people who disappeared in Peru's dirty war against terrorism.

The three bodies were among 53 recovered from the base of Los Cabitos, in the province of Ayacucho. They were identified by the Peruvian Forensic Anthropology Team (EPAF), a long-time partner of The Advocacy Project (AP).

Los Cabitos served as a center for the army's counterinsurgency efforts between 1980 and 2000, and by some estimates may hold over 600 bodies. Information about the identifications became known on Wednesday at the trial of army commanders who oversaw operations in Ayacucho in the 1980s.

Jose Pablo Baraybar, the director of EPAF, predicted that the identifications would prompt deep anguish and an outpouring of demand from relatives. "The expectations are huge," he said. "This could be the tip of the iceberg."

Mr. Baraybar spoke from Washington, where he testified last Saturday before the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights alongside advocates from Colombia, Guatemala and Mexico. They told Commissioners that over 107,000 persons have disappeared in the four countries, and called on the Commission to create a permanent unit to monitor disappearances.

The disappearances in Peru have attracted less attention than elsewhere on the Continent because most of the victims were from Quechua-speaking Indian communities who lived outside the mainstream of Peruvian society. But the impact was devastating and it has worsened as efforts to identify the dead and prosecute the guilty have stalled.

Peru's Truth Commission concluded that 8,558 Peruvians disappeared, but estimates today put the number at well over 15,000. According to Mr. Baraybar, only 117 victims (0.8%) have been identified. They include 29 bodies that were exhumed by EPAF at the village of Putis in 2008. AP attended the Putis exhumation - the largest in Peru's history - and helped EPAF reach out to relatives of the dead.

Since Putis, efforts by civil society to demand accountability have met with stubborn resistance from the state. Peruvian courts have prosecuted 199 individuals in connection with the dirty war, including former President Alberto Fujimori, but acquitted 133. The courts threw out one recent case because plaintiffs were unable to show signs of torture after 29 years. Another case was dropped because of the lack of written orders from military commanders. The prosecutor's office has also imposed time constraints on cases which make it more difficult to secure a judgement. Added to all this, several long-time donors have stopped funding transitional justice in Peru.

EPAF hopes that its breakthrough at Los Cabitos will trigger new funding and enable civil society to address the needs of more families. The work at Los Cabitos was financed through a special earmark from the US Senate after lobbying by EPAF's allies in Washington including AP, the Washington Office for Latin America (WOLA), and Creative Learning.

By joining advocates from Colombia, Mexico and Guatemala, EPAF also hopes to present a united front at the Inter-American Commission. The Commission has played a key role in putting disappearances on the international agenda, but the witnesses were critical of Commissioners following last week's hearing. After flying to Washington at their own expense they were given seven minutes each to speak and asked cursory questions.

"After telling them about all of this bad practice, they asked us for examples of good practice," said Doria Yanette Bautista Montanez, whose sister has disappeared in Colombia. "We practically cried when we heard that question."

Although Ms. Montanez and the others hope that the Commission will step up its work on disappearances, the Commission is under growing pressure from Ecuador and other governments over its human rights work, particularly on freedom of expression. The US has limited leverage in the dispute because it has not ratified the Inter-American Convention on Human Rights.

Saturday 23 March 2013

http://www.internationalpeaceandconflict.org/profiles/blogs/army-base-in-peru-yields-secrets-galvanizes-advocates-for-the?xg_source=activity#.UUz5AkzVWCA

continue reading

Wednesday, 20 February 2013

Peru returns bodies of war victims to families


Authorities in Peru's southern mountains have returned to their families the remains of 26 people killed in fighting between the army and Shining Path rebels in the 1980s.

The remains, including two women and three children, were exhumed from common graves in the Apurimac region late last year. Investigators managed to identify the remains so that they could be returned to their families for burial.

The bodies were handed over in a ceremony in the city of Cuzco on Tuesday. The families carried the remains of their loved ones in white coffins down the stone streets of the city, which serves as the gateway to the Inca citadel of Machu Picchu.

The victims were believed to be local residents and villagers caught in the cross fire between soldiers and rebels, officials said.

Authorities in southeast Peru have been working in recent years to identify common graves left over from the bloody war between Maoist rebels and soldiers as part of an investigation into human rights abuses.

According to Peru's Truth and Reconciliation Commission, 69,000 people were killed or disappeared between 1980 and 2000 in Peru's armed conflict.

Wednesday 20 February 2013

http://www.utsandiego.com/news/2013/feb/19/peru-returns-bodies-of-war-victims-to-families/

continue reading

Sunday, 10 February 2013

Ayacucho remembers its long years of suffering


They say the past is a distant land and people are different there.

But Adelina Garcia Mendoza recalls the events of Dec. 1, 1983, as if they were part of a film that’s unreeling still, as if she were the same woman she was then — a young wife and mother, just as helpless, just as afraid.

“I remember it all as if it were a moment ago,” she says.

Those were terrible times, the long, dark years of the 1980s and early ’90s, when this handsome colonial town high in the central Andes of Peru was haunted by two murderous forces — an eerie Maoist insurgency known as Sendero Luminoso, or Shining Path, pitted against the Peruvian police and military.

Now a woman of 50, with her long black hair streaked with filaments of grey and pulled back from her bronze, oval face, Garcia huddles at a small wooden table on the second floor of a building that houses the aptly named Museum of Memory. The structure stands on a street called Liberty in the western reaches of Ayacucho, the city where the Shining Path was born, where it thrived for more than a decade, and where it finally collapsed amid a poisoned legacy of murder, grief and enduring loss.

Just now, Garcia is recalling the night three decades ago when Peruvian soldiers in balaclavas burst into the home she shared with her husband and their two infant daughters at 282 Avenida Arenales.

“The wounds suffered by the people were very hard, very sad. Even now, the people haven’t escaped this situation. There are indelible memories.”

It was after midnight, a curfew was in force, and Garcia and her family were asleep in their beds.

The soldiers seized her spouse of four years, a self-employed welder, aged 27. His name is Jose Zosimo Prado, or at least it was. They muscled him out of the house.

“The soldiers hit me when I tried to grab him,” Garcia says. “We couldn’t follow them because of the curfew. We couldn’t go in the street.”

And so her husband joined the growing ranks of los desaparecidos.

The disappeared.

It is a defining trait of this benighted species that, when they vanish, they vanish forever, and Garcia has never seen her husband again.

She insists he took no part in subversion. She believes some neighbours must have denounced him — out of jealousy or spite — and the soldiers did the rest.

Tens of thousands of innocent people were killed during those years, in Ayacucho or the smaller towns or villages scattered across this lofty hinterland. Some of the bodies have been found and identified. Thousands more are missing still, and their fate continues to engender a special category of suffering.

Like Ayacucho itself, Garcia is trapped between an unresolved past and an uncertain future.

In the years since her husband disappeared, the population of her city has nearly doubled, and life is peaceful now, although troubles persist.

Poverty remains widespread; transportation routes are better but still inadequate; industry is non-existent; and it’s a rare foreign tourist who finds his way here.

That’s a shame, for Ayacucho is a stately city graced by more than 30 churches, where sturdy stone porticos and clay-tile roofs surround an airy plaza ornamented by jacarandas, pepper trees and palms. Steep green hills rise on all sides.

You would not guess that this was once a place of terror and bombs, of torture and death.

“The wounds suffered by the people were very hard, very sad,” says Amilcar Huancahuari Tueros, the mayor of the city. “Even now, the people haven’t escaped this situation. There are indelible memories.”

Late last month, white coffins containing the remains of 78 victims of the conflict were turned over to family members in a daylong ceremony in Ayacucho. The dead included pregnant women, children and seniors, whose remains were found in more than 50 mass or individual graves in the district of Chungui.

Established in 1971, the Shining Path was originally a faction of Peru’s Maoist-line Communist party. Its founder and leader was a 42-year-old philosophy professor named Abimael Guzman, who taught at the University of San Cristobal de Huamanga in Ayacucho and initially trolled for acolytes among the school’s students and faculty.

Better known by his nom-de-guerre — Presidente Gonzalo — Guzman had a grandiose vision of himself and his cause, holding himself up as the fourth pillar of world revolution, in a league with Marx, Lenin and Mao Zedong.

In 1975, Guzman and his followers launched the clandestine phase of their struggle, melting into the slums of Ayacucho or fanning out into the impoverished hamlets in the surrounding hills, to proselytize among the urban poor and the rural peasantry.

Five years later, just as Peru was returning to democratic rule following 12 years of military dictatorship, the Shining Path emerged from the shadows, launching an armed guerrilla struggle against the newly established authorities.

Harsh, murderous and relentlessly destructive, the rebels soon squandered whatever early sympathy they may have enjoyed. Worse, their armed campaign provoked the government into acts of equal violence.

In 1983, Lima sent in the armed forces, clamping Ayacucho and the surrounding region under martial rule.

The result was a two-sided horror story, with the senderistas on one side, the military on the other, and the mainly indigenous population caught in the middle.

“It was very hard to distinguish one side from the other,” says Humberto Hernandez Arribasplata, now rector of the university in Ayacucho. “I couldn’t say this side did more, that side did less. Both sides invaded and destroyed.”

On Jan. 26, 1983, a group of eight Peruvian journalists — most of them from newspapers in Lima — travelled from Ayacucho to an outlying village called Uchuraccay, home to roughly 400 people.

For reasons that are still fiercely debated, some of the villagers turned on the journalists, hacking and bludgeoning them to death and then burying their bodies and their equipment.

The eight were among the first fatalities of the conflict who hailed from outside this isolated region, and their deaths shocked people all over Peru and captured the attention of newspaper readers and TV audiences in other parts of the world. Something sinister — and very deadly — was happening in Peru.

The focus of the trouble remained fixed in the central Andes, with Ayacucho at its epicentre, but the killings and sabotage, the terror and suspicion, soon spread to other parts of the country. Here in Ayacucho, death became an intimate affair.

At the military garrison by the airport at the edge of town — a facility then known as Cuartel los Cabitos — soldiers installed four large ovens, which they used to cremate the bodies of those they’d tortured and killed, including children.

According to Hernandez, the university rector, portions of more than 500 bodies have so far been discovered buried beneath the land adjoining the garrison. Only about 50 have so far been identified, he said.

Maybe some of those bones belong to Adelina Garcia’s husband, but nobody knows.

In the weeks following his capture, Garcia made repeated forays to the garrison to plead for information. She learned nothing. Three weeks after her husband vanished, she heard that some human cadavers had turned up in a village not far from Ayacucho. She and others hurried there.

“We found five dead, all nude,” she says now. “We couldn’t recognize the faces.”

She knew her husband had a large scar on his right leg, and she searched frantically for that.

“But I didn’t find him,” she says. “I have never found him.”

In the ensuing years, Peru has managed to put a portion of its nightmares to rest.

Guzman, the Shining Path founder, has been behind bars since 1992 — an old and bilious man now, cursed with chronic psoriasis. In 2003, a government-appointed tribunal called the Truth and Reconciliation Commission presented its final report — 12 volumes in all — confirming that at least 69,280 lives were lost in what commission chairman Salomon Lerner called a time “of horror and disgrace for Peruvian society and the state.”

Nowadays, memorials to the dead abound, including innumerable plaques, as well as the modest gallery — the Museum of Memory — in Ayacucho.

In Lima, the Peruvian government constructed a more ambitious museum devoted to those times. The finished project, occupying the sixth floor of the Ministry of Culture headquarters, is both chilling and unnerving.

Despite these efforts, the pain and suffering of people such as Adelina Garcia persist.

Like thousands of others, she wants to ensure that what happened years ago in these remote mountains will never be forgotten. As president of a national organization that represents the families of the dead and disappeared, Garcia is also pressing for what she calls a “dignified indemnity” to compensate the families of those who died or disappeared.

The money would undoubtedly help, but it would not drain the sorrows that still haunt these lands. It would not remake the future. It would not erase the past.

“We are always going to have this pain,” Garcia says, “especially the families of the disappeared.”

Sunday 10 February 2013

http://www.thestar.com/news/world/2013/02/10/peruvian_city_of_ayacucho_remains_a_museum_of_memory_and_sorrow.html

continue reading

Wednesday, 3 October 2012

Bus plunges into ravine in Peru, killing 22 Read more: Bus plunges into ravine in Peru, killing 22

A bus riding along a foggy road in Peru plunged into a ravine, killing 22 people and leaving 16 injured, a news agency reported Tuesday.

Two foreigners were among the dead: a Spanish engineer working in Peru and a Venezuelan tourist, the Andina agency said.

The accident happened Monday near the city of Huarmaca, about 850 kilometers (530 miles) north of Lima.

The agency said the fog was apparently the cause of the tragedy.

Peru’s roads are among the most dangerous in Latin America, with 2,900 people killed in accidents in 2010 and 2,583 in 2011, according to government figures.

Perilous mountain roads and the shoddy condition of Peruvians’ cars and trucks are the cause of most of the accidents.

Last month 14 people died in an accident on a secondary road in the southeast Cuzco region.

Wednesday 3 October 2012

Read more: Bus plunges into ravine in Peru, killing 22 - Latest - New Straits Times http://www.nst.com.my/latest/bus-plunges-into-ravine-in-peru-killing-22-1.151926##ixzz28DzfgEHb

continue reading

Friday, 31 August 2012

Peru Identifies Civil War Victims

LIMA - Of the 69,000 people killed during the 1980-2000 armed conflict in Peru, at least 16,000 were buried in secret unmarked graves. So far, only 2,064 of these bodies have been recovered, and just 50 percent have been identified, according to a new report.

“The exhumation process is slow and disorderly, and moreover it is not a priority for the authorities, even though no democracy can grow strong without reconciling with its past and without recovering its dead,” historian Carola Falconí, executive director of the non-governmental Human Rights Commission (COMISEDH), told IPS.

For example, the forensic medicine institute (IML), which is in charge of the exhumations and answers to the attorney general’s office, does not have a national plan for forensic anthropological investigations to recover the remains of the victims of the civil war between government forces and the Maoist Sendero Luminoso (Shining Path) guerrillas.

Nor do the authorities have up-to-date records on the areas where bodies were buried, often in mass graves, which would give a complete picture of what still needs to be done, says the book “Los muertos de Ayacucho. Violencia y sitios de entierro clandestinos” (The Dead of Ayacucho: Violence and Clandestine Burial Sites), presented by COMISEDH on Tuesday Aug. 28.

IML officials estimate that there are 15,731 victims – acknowledged to be an underestimate – of the conflict buried at more than 4,000 sites around the country documented by the CVR up to 2003.

But the IML was only able to find 2,064 bodies between 2002 and 2011, which means that at this rate, it would take eight decades to exhume the rest of the bodies, and much more time to identify them and turn the remains over to the victims’ families, says the book, whose journalistic investigation was carried out by this reporter.

The government inaction is especially notorious in the southern department or region of Ayacucho, which suffered the highest number of victims during the armed conflict. Official figures indicate that in the last 10 years, the remains of 1,196 of the 8,660 victims buried there – a conservative estimate – have been exhumed.

COMISEDH reveals in its book that in Ayacucho there are another 1,818 burial sites, besides the 2,234 reported by the CVR in 2003.

The new figure emerges from the updating of the records carried out by COMISEDH from 2004 to 2009, after the CVR stopped operating.

The figure has since been updated, to a total of 6,462 secret unmarked graves.

To locate the sites, a team of COMISEDH researchers headed by Falconí interviewed thousands of family members of victims, survivors and witnesses in some 100 villages and towns of Ayacucho. Several of the experts had been in charge of putting together the original CVR list in that region.

Falconí said that in late September, she would give the updated list to the office of the public prosecutor and the ombudsman’s office, so it could be used as “a tool to draw up a plan for forensic anthropological investigations and an orderly, efficient process of exhumation, in accordance with international standards.”

In its 2003 report, the CVR recommended that the government craft a national plan for forensic anthropological investigations, to make it possible to recover and identify the remains of victims and hand them over to the families, in an efficient and planned manner, especially necessary given the complexity of the events in question and the number of years that have passed.

“It’s not the same thing to exhume the body of someone who died recently as those of people who were murdered over two decades ago,” said Falconí.

Exhuming bodies implies stirring up past crimes. Forensic anthropological investigations make it possible to identify the cause of death, and provide clues as to who may have been responsible, as a result of analysing the bones and scraps of clothing and other belongings and carrying out a reconstruction of events.

The head of the IML, Gino Dávila, told IPS that his team has an annual schedule for exhumations, but that a document with a medium- to long-term scope such as the one called for by the CVR would be difficult to come up with because the government forensic experts work on the basis of requests by the prosecutors who are investigating the civil war-era human rights violations.

“For this year, we have programmed some 400 exhumations, to try to speed things up and gain time. If we assessed what would be needed to complete the work (recover the remains of all of the victims), a great deal of funds would be needed,” Dávila said.

The specialised IML forensic team has a budget of about 600,000 dollars a year – 80 percent less than what Dávila had requested from the attorney general’s office for the purpose of recovering and identifying the remains of victims, including DNA testing.

Only 50 percent of the bodies exhumed have been identified so far. The rest are still pending DNA tests. And in some cases, it is impossible to determine the identity of the victim due to the poor state of the remains, the absence of family members to provide blood samples to match with DNA, or the lack of materials to carry out the required technical process.

This high proportion of unidentified bodies indicates inadequate investigation prior to the exhumation, according to experts at the only two specialised civil society institutions, the Andean Centre for Forensic Anthropology Research (CENIA) and the Peruvian Forensic Anthropology Team (EPAF).

There are family members who have been waiting for results of DNA tests for seven years, when they gave blood samples. The civil society experts say that at the very least, grieving relatives should be informed when a match is made and a body is identified.

In response to the indifference and ignorance of much of society and the lack of political will on the part of the authorities, COMISEDH proposed a plan of forensic anthropological investigations for Ayacucho, in order to recover the victims in a more efficient manner, Falconí said.

The head of the human rights investigation team in the ombudsman’s office, César Cárdenas, said that “Allowing them to stay there (in the ground) is like recognising that Sendero Luminoso, which started the armed struggle, was right. And we know that this is not true.”

Friday 31 August 2012

http://www.ipsnews.net/2012/08/peru-identifies-civil-war-victims-at-snails-pace/

continue reading

Saturday, 28 January 2012

26 die in Peru rehab fire


(CNN) -- Twenty-six people were killed and 15 were rescued from a fire at a rehabilitation center in Lima, Peru, the state-run Andina news agency reported.

The fire was controlled by firefighters by Saturday afternoon.

The cause of the fire was under investigation, the fire department said, though witnesses said a mattress was set on fire during a melee inside the building.

The victims were trapped inside the building and died from asphyxiation, Peru's fire chief, Antonio Zavala said.

The building may have been a clandestine rehabilitation center, and many people were concentrated on the first floor, which lacked escape routes, Zavala said.

Some 40 people were housed in a small space with only one exit that was locked with a chain. Bypassing the heavy metal door was the biggest challenge in the rescue, he said.

January 28, 2012 - CNN
http://edition.cnn.com/2012/01/28/world/americas/peru-rehab-fire/index.html

continue reading